– Panthukala Srinivas
This short note sketches the historical and cultural context of the emergence of mass media in Andhra Pradesh. It touches on the roots of the Green Revolution and the transformation of agriculture into an industry in Andhra Pradesh, the rise of cinema industry, the emergence of regional parties in AP, social movements and the rise of SC, ST and OBC voices in politics, political decisions on SEZ’s, real estate and supporting neo-capitalists in the name of development. It also mentions the history of private satellite television news channels in Andhra Pradesh and the impact of 24-hour television news and the cultural changes that it has brought about based on empirical data.
Television came to Andhra Pradesh in 1975 because the state was found to have an abundance of backward, underdeveloped areas. It was part of the Satellite Instructional Television Experiment (SITE) that was launched in six states of the country. The experiment was to see whether the use of satellite technology for education and development can transform societies. The experiment lasted from 1 August 1975 to 31 July 1976 and for another ten years, the Hyderabad Doordarshan Kendra continued its programming as a development and education broadcaster, when in the early 80s sponsored serials began to be accepted on Doordarshan. By 1986, instead of transmitting only SITE continuity programmes or relaying national programmes from Delhi, the transmitters in the state were networked to receive general entertainment and news programmes made by Hyderabad Doordarshan in Telugu.
The central government of India has a Constitutional monopoly over broadcasting. Using these provisions, the government of India did not permit private broadcasting till 1990. By 1991, when India began to liberalise its economic policy, the government saw broadcast policy as a test case for proving its commitment to liberalization From the Marxist point of view we see a rise in the strength of national and regional neo-capitalists. From the 80’s onwards we see the emergence of regional parties, their influence on national politics and alliance with national political parties. Earlier in the 1970s we witness the Green Revolution, globalization and technological advancement. In this context, surplus capital generation from agriculture strengthened agribusiness and gave rise to the cinema industry. The surplus generated in the 80’s combined with globalization opened avenues for the mass media industry. Media industry underwent massive changes in the 1990s after which media bifurcated into private and state owned media.
Agriculture, caste culture and media after Independence
In Andhra Pradesh, contrary to the ideals of the 1950s, Telugu society is dominated by powerful caste groupings. The analysis of Dr Ram Manohar Lohia in the 1950s that Telugu society would travel from the then existing political predominance of Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Reddys and Kammas to the ascendancy of backward castes, became a reality in a crude fashion. Telugu society only proved the analyses of the US social scientists Selig Harrison and Caroline M Elliott that in the 1950s and 1960s caste is a dominant factor in Telugu society and it was the basis of the strength of all political parties. The same kind of castes and caste compositions that had supremacy in the state’s political, economic, social and cultural fields is in power even after fifty years in AP. These are Reddy, Kamma, Velama, and Kapu.
The majority of the Reddy community is located in Rayalaseema and Telangana region in which rocky soil and poor irrigation permit only sparse rainfed crop cultivation. They could not benefit from the green revolution but they are landlords who have hundreds of acres of agriculture lands in their hands and have ruled in Andhra Pradesh before Kamma emergence into political power. Velamas in Telangana and Kapus in Coastal belt also own land but had not till recently a share in politics. Now, in the Telangana context the Velamas, and in the Praja Rajyam Party context the Kapus have entered politics. However, failing to capture political power, they have had alliances with the Congress Party.
It is very important to understand the numbers game played by caste groups in the AP political scenario to understand the caste dimensions of society and media. Reddy, Kamma, Kapu, Madiga and Mala communities are in the top five positions in the Assembly.
In 2001, The Telangana Rashtra Samithi was started by K Chandrasekhar Rao to assert the self-respect of the region and demand a separate state. It started second phase Telangana movement (the first was in 1969), which through parliament democracy and political power had Telangana declared as a separate state in the Indian Union. In this process, the TRS educated and mobilized the people of Telangana and contested the elections in 2004, 2009 and 2014. Once they achieved the goal of a separate state in 2014, they have entered the culture industry. We need to note that that the Velamas, a population fraction not exceeding 2 per cent of the state’s population, have the TRS political party, state government rule, and the Telangana news channel to promote their community leadership.
Now, the mainstream media and film industry are largely in the hands of the Brahmins, Vaishyas, Kammas and Reddys. They are a part of the culture industry.
The growth and transformation of the media industry
In tandem with this socio-economic development, the communication process in the 1980-90s started moving from direct/face-to-face communication to a more centralized communication process. News became mass oriented and there has been the emergence of mass politics and society. Economically, politically, socially, culturally conditions have matured in society whereby in times of globalization private capital has opened the media industry. The government is under pressure to expand privatization of television channels and radio stations. Secondly, in terms of ownership, the medium of television and print news has moved from simple reporting to enhanced lobbying capacity with governmental forces. The media owners have sought to get closer to parties that ruled, rather than act as a check (as traditionally envisaged for the media as the Fourth Estate) to the parties/ government.
An important function of owning a newspaper was to lobby for other interests and industrial concerns. The media itself never was the sole concern—it was an instrument to promote and sustain interests of and protect other industries by lobbying and influencing the government. Eenadu is a classic example in AP in the way in which it moved towards the Telugu Desam. But now, we see that Eenadu was started to control the party, not just being close to governmental power. The Eenadu management was not only very aggressive, but was a determinant factor in the emergence of the TDP. It also had a clear idea of controlling its politics.
By late 80—90s the media industry started and it has become an instrument for promoting some bodies or management interests, but more importantly the media has become a profit generating machine. In the 90s, private channels were not merely controlling, lobbying, moving closer to politics, but were also engaged in profit generation, thereby becoming an industry. With time, the media became more aggressive. The media is one of the major frontrunners of the industrial sector. Another thing is that cultural forms and entertainment have become an industry and the commodification of culture began in the 80s and 90s.
Social Movements and the Rise of SC, ST and BC Voices in Politics
The anti-arrack movement was completely supported by the Eenadu daily Telugu newspaper owned by Ramoji Rao who supported the Telugu Desam Party’s emergence in politics. The anti-arrack movement was the first case study that taught the media moguls the lessons of the survival and sustainability of media organizations. This case study was visible and witnessed by all parties owned and managed by neo-capitalists who run the liquor syndicate and fund political parties and election campaigns. Later Congress party also promised prohibition on liquor but it could not due to pressure from neo-capitalists and soon lifted the ban on liquor. TDP and Congress parties both benefited by liquor business and the media got its share in the profits. In this way media protects economic and political interests of the dominant classes by suppressing the social movements in AP through the manipulation of media.
The evolution of modern AP has also witnessed caste oppression and the first recorded sign of such brutal practices was in the killing of Koteshu in 1968 at Kanchikacherla of Krishna district. This kind of brutality against Dalits and the downtrodden got its response in a great upsurge in the form of Dalit movement. This happened after a carnage in which six Dalits were killed in Karamchedu in Prakasam district on July 17, 1985. The ghastly incident was followed by several other cold-blooded incidents in Neerukonda, Chunduru, Timmasamudram, Chalkurthi, Vempenta. Then, there was the Tsunduru dalit massacre by the Kamma community. These incidents united dalits for fighting for their rights and protection from upper castes. This movement gave voice to the voiceless and the emerging representation of dalits into politics in AP. The role of the media in these atrocities has been mixed. Depending on alliances and the political climate, they have taken subtly varying stands with respect to these atrocities and the question of justice to the victims.
Special Economic Zones, Real Estate boom and Neo-Capitalists
The media’s investments came from real-estate, politics and from technological developments in IT sector. Most of the investment came from land transactions and new political and financial alignments. For examples in the 70s, and 80s, Andhra Bhoomi, Andhra Patrika and Krishna Patrika (which came 1931-41) all emerged at least partially from investor groups. When Chandra Babu Naidu linked the state’s development to World Bank money, investment increased. Prior to Chandra Babu Naidu, NT Rama Rao had some discussion with World Bank in1983-84 and even with that move, money availability for investment rose. This money brought new infrastructure, new industries and more land. The real-estate boom that emerged was Hyderabad-centred and expanded to the tune of several hundred crores. Some of this money was invested in the field of media.
The establishment of SEZs in several places led to the displacement of the poor, especially small and marginal farmers, agricultural workers, fisher-folk, other communities who are dependent on the lands and related natural resources for their livelihoods. Apart from this, the health and environment impact of polluting industries like pharmaceuticals, chemicals, leather, iron-ore, thermal power based SEZs also appear to be steadily unfolding in many parts of the state and nowhere is there any discussion or debate in the mainstream media (Print and Electronic Media). According to the official data provided by APIIC in January 2009 the total land acquired for 100 SEZs in all categories all over the State is only about 33,296 acres whereas a report published in Andhra Jyothi, a leading daily newspaper in the state, projected that around 75,000 acres of land have been acquired for various SEZs in AP (Andhra Jyothi, January 27, 2009). In the face of forcible acquisition of lands for SEZs, there has been resistance from people in various places of the state. The nature, content and forms of these resistance vary from place to place ranging from sporadic, spontaneous opposition in some parts such as Ananthapur, Kadapa and Ranga Reddy districts to taking on a more protracted form and sustained struggle such as in Kakinada, Polepally SEZs which led to a more fundamental questioning of what is development and challenging the SEZ-led growth model. The TV media has telecast these developments as ‘news’ but has not shown any interest in starting a debate or discussion on screen because some of the media owners are stockholders of SEZs.
Conclusion
Broadly summarizing the trends described above, it is clear that the media is growing organically in relation to the dominant caste/class groupings and their stakes in capitalist industry. Media as the guardian of the republic has given way to first, media as the promoter of interest groups, to second, media as an industry that is able to create profits on its own.
P Srinivas teaches in English and
Foreign Languages University
seenanna@gmail.com